高三励志演讲稿

01
    面对高考有这样两种极端的人:一种人总是说,唉,中国什么时候能打仗。我问他说为什么希望中国打仗,他说一打仗就不用再高考了;另一种人总是在说,唉,为什么明天不高考?虽然大多数人面对高考时不至于这样极端,但是我们不可否认的是,我们对待高考的态度已经进入一种误区。

    如果我现在问你们:我们的学习是为了什么?或许大多数同学会回答说为了高考,为了上一个好大学。那么请问,再然后呢?为了买上好房子,买上好车抑或是过上舒适安逸的生活?不,这些都只是高考的目的,而不是我们应有的目标。许多考生习惯于把目的错误的当成目标,正如中国的运动员,在比赛时往往压力很大,因为他们把夺得金牌这个目的当做自己的目标,拿到金牌的运动员有压力,总是在想下一次拿不到金牌怎么办?拿不到金牌的运动员压力就更大了:唉,奋斗了这么多年连块铁牌都没有。在已经结束的北京奥运会上,刘翔因伤退赛,深究其原因,媒体有着不可推卸的责任,他们在刘翔身上倾注了太多的期望,带给刘翔太大的压力,所以说做运动员很累,做中国的运动员更累。作为一名运动员,无法在运动中体会快乐,是多么可悲的一件事,运动是为了什么?是强身健体,是一种娱乐,那么我们高考呢?作为学生,我们无法从高考本身中找到快乐,这难道不也是一件很可悲的事么?所以今天我想要告诉大家应该怎样去面对高考。

    一、学会享受过程

    我希望你们能够记住:我们的奋斗决不仅仅是为了高考,高考只不过是一种手段,我们可以借助高考这个跳板来实现我们的理想。也许有人会问,不重视高考又怎么能在高考中取得好成绩?我没有不让你重视高考,我只是想让你们知道:固然高考很重要,但是你们应该学会享受这个过程,而不应该将其视为洪水猛兽。我现在来问大家,如果去布达拉宫,你是选择步行还是坐飞机?或许你们觉得这个问题太好笑,那么我来讲一个鹰和蜗牛的故事:鹰和蜗牛站在金字塔顶,他们达到了同样的高度,但鹰是一下子飞上去的,很快很容易,它觉得平常。而蜗牛是一步步爬上去的,很艰难,但它很快乐,很珍惜顶部的风景和感觉。学会享受高考这个过程,会给你的高三生活增添很多乐趣;学会享受人生这个过程,你会找到生命的广度和深度。

    二、拥有无比坚定的信念

    我无数次的听到有人问,高考成功有没有秘诀?要我说高考成功的秘诀在于你有没有无比坚定的信念!那么何为信念?在一个久旱无雨的小山村里,村长带着村民去寺庙里求雨,希望老天爷发一下慈悲,下点雨。他们每天都去求雨,求了整整一个星期,老天爷终于动怒了:“你们这帮无赖之徒,为什么一点儿诚意都没有?”村民们很惊讶的说:“我们每天求雨怎么还没有诚意?我们都求了整整一个星期了!”老天爷说:“你们真的相信会下雨吗?”“相信!”老天爷愤怒的说:“既然相信,那出门之前为什么不带雨伞呢?既然你们相信今天会下暴雨,那么出门就应该带雨伞嘛!你们出门不带雨伞,是因为你们潜意识里根本不相信今天会下雨!”有位同学斗志昂扬的说:我要高考成功!然后接着有人问他,你真的会成功么?那位同学马上答道:我也不知道哎……各位同学,你们认为这叫信念吗?所谓真正的信念,只有你们自己才能定义。我想大家应该都知道脑白金这种保健品吧,那我再问,你们有没有听说过脑黄金?而这两种保健品均出自一人之手,那就是巨人网络董事长史玉柱。1995年,史玉柱一手创办的巨人集团走向顶峰,推出12种保健品,广告投资1个亿,其中一种保健品就是脑黄金,而史玉柱也被福布斯列为内地富豪第八位。1996年,由于财务危机和管理不善等因素,巨人集团迅速盛极而衰,史玉柱也因此负债2亿,由首富变为首负,但也就是史玉柱,在面对负债2亿时还能避免崩溃。他说当感觉到自己无力回天时,就拥有了这样一个信念:我欠的钱我一定会还!就是这样一个信念支撑着他东山再起,仅用了四年的时间,在2000年底还完了所有的欠款,并再一次打入保健品市场,推出了现在妇孺皆知的脑白金。2007年,史玉柱旗下的巨人网络集团成功登陆美国纽约证券交易所,总市值达到42亿美元,融资额为10。45亿美元,成为在美国发行最大的中国民营企业,史玉柱的身价超过500亿,再次成为“首富”。这是什么?这就是信念的力量,命运让他从首富变为首负,信念让他再从首负回到首富。欠下2亿的巨额债款都能走出低谷,重铸辉煌,更何况是我们面对小小的高考,因此你们应该自己想明白,你们到底是想成功还是一定要成功!下定决心成功的人内心里一定要有无比坚定的信念,因为信念可以激发你无限的潜能。

    三、确立自己的目标

    古人云:人贵有志,当志存高远。这不是一句简单的口号,请大家想一下,当高考结束,面对高考志愿表时,有多少人能斩钉截铁的说:我就要报这个专业,我一直在为着这个目标而奋斗!恐怕有相当数量的同学面对众多的专业选择思前想后,犹豫不决。出现这种情况的原因就是大多数学生的目光只是盯在高考本身上,而没有想过高考背后深层的东西。作为年轻人,一辈子的目标一定要定得高远,正所谓你想要什么,你才会成为什么。年轻人一定要相信梦想,正如相信在黑暗中仍然能看见北极星一样。我们在拥有高远目标的同时也应该有阶段性的目标,但每个阶段的目标要现实,就要永远比周围人做得好一点。目标与能力成正比,目标要一点点积累,每一天、每一阶段的目标实现了,最后成就的就是远大的目标。

    记着,无论遭遇多么困难的处境,也不要放弃自己的目标,因为方法总比困难多,即使是在孤立无援的境地,也不要放弃希望!新东方总裁俞敏洪曾这样说道:每一条河流都有自己不同的生命曲线,但每一条河都有自己的梦想,那就是奔向大海,长江、黄河都奔向了大海,但方式不一样:长江劈山开路,黄河迂回曲折,但最终都汇入了大海,实现了自己的梦想,这就是水的精神。我们的生命,有时候会是泥沙,你可能就像泥沙一样慢慢的沉淀下去了,一旦你沉淀下去了,也许你不用再为了前进而继续努力了,但是你永远见不到阳光了,所以我建议大家,不管你现在的生命是怎么样的,一定要有水的精神,像水一样不断积蓄自己的力量,不断的冲破障碍,当你发现时机不到的时候,就把自己的厚度给积累起来,当有一天时机来临的时候,你就能够奔腾入海,成就自己的生命。

    四、学会自我激励

    高三的生活枯燥乏味,产生烦躁情绪在所难免,每位同学或多或少都会遇到这种情况,那么我希望能够通过马云故事告诉你们遇到这种情况时应该怎样做:在马云创办阿里巴巴之初,许多人都说,如果阿里巴巴能够成功,无疑把一艘万吨轮抬到喜马拉雅山上面,而马云却对自己的同事说,我们的任务是把这艘万吨轮从山顶上抬到山脚下,别人怎么说是没办法的事儿,而你自己要明白,你想要的是什么,你能为社会创造什么样的价值。高三这一年,谁都不会过得轻松,但是你们要明白:流泪、抱怨统统没有用,对于一个拥有梦想的人来说,最大的失败就是放弃,今天很残酷,明天更残酷,后天很美好,大部分人死在明天晚上,看不到后天的太阳。作为高三的学生,应该学会用左手温暖右手,把学习当做快乐并且享受这个过程,去欣赏自己,去体味属于自己的高三。最重要的是,不要因为高考而让你忘记了自己最终的目标。生命就是一片广袤的沙漠,如果努力在自己的沙漠上打一眼深井,使水源源不断地流出,你就可以把沙漠变成绿洲。

    有的同学说,我的成绩不好,反正就剩最后这一年了,也不会有多大的起色,因此也就失去了奋斗的动力。用形象一点儿话来说就是,在这些同学眼中手扶拖拉机永远追不上宝马。但是还是那句话,方法总比困难多,如果你是一辆手扶拖拉机,你想跟上去,你该怎么办?最简单的办法就是??找一辆奔驰车拉你一下!孤军奋战总是势单力薄,融入到团体中才能让你跑得更快。话说有位老板事业很成功,赚了很多钱,但总感觉不快乐,于是就去问一位禅师,禅师说因为你还没有学会付出和奉献,如果你每天想办法做一件好事,就会体验到快乐。有一天他开着奔驰车在马路上跑,突然发现前面有一辆手扶拖拉机停在路边发出求救信号,原来是这辆拖拉机抛锚坏掉了,于是他很好心的停下车,问是否需要帮忙,手扶拖拉机请他帮忙拉到修理部修理一下,这位老板拿出绳子,把拖拉机的头跟奔驰车的尾连在一起,手扶拖拉机还谦虚的说:我性能不好,你要慢慢的拖哦。刚开始,他慢慢的拖着拖拉机前进。突然之间,前面飞过一辆宝马,里面坐着红衣少女飚过去了,奔驰车生气了:小样儿,你敢跟我飚车!于是油门一下子就踩下去了,这下警察可吓坏了,一看马路上有三辆车在飚车,一辆是宝马车,一辆是奔驰车,还有一辆是??手扶拖拉机!那么请问,谁是你们的奔驰车?那就是你们的老师!有的同学说,我们老师那辆奔驰车不愿意拉我这辆破车怎么办?同学们,请别忘了,奔驰车和拖拉机之间有一根绳,你一定要找到这根绳子,那么怎样才能找到这根绳子?两个字??主动。你一定要主动去找你的老师,而不要等你的老师去找你。曾经有一个同学去找他的老师,结果老师的第一句话居然是:我等你等了三年了,你终于来了!

    即使你是一辆拖拉机又能怎么样?蒙牛集团董事长牛根生说,别人是从零起步,我是从负数起步。他从小是一个孤儿,50块钱被卖到一个陌生的家庭,创业之前,在伊利干了十六年,从一个刷瓶子的工人感到了副总裁。1999年,牛根生白手起家,创建了蒙牛,当时租了一间房,只有五十三平方米。刚刚起步的时候,收牛奶的车被砸,人被抓,牛奶被倒掉,还有竞争对手在牛奶中下毒。然而就是从负数开始,牛根生用七年的时间,让蒙牛的销售额增长200倍,牛奶加工量居世界第一位。他说在他心里有这样一个目标,那就是用二十年的时间,把世界乳业中心的位置定到中国,定到内蒙古,就是这个目标让他走到了今天。从负数开始的牛根生都能做大、做强,对于我们,即使是一辆手扶拖拉机,有了奔驰车的帮助,难道还怕跑不过宝马车吗?

    五、要脚踏实地

    我们应该学会“蜗牛精神”:蜗牛的壳是自己加上的,既靠天,也靠地,又靠自己,要心平气和的接受失败,做人要大方、大气、不放弃!世界上没有绝对的公平,心中平,世界才会平。要学着给别人一个机会,尤其是给那辆奔驰车一个帮你的机会。要想成功,就要做到蜗牛的三点:第一是永远向前、向上;第二是要有足够的耐力和耐心;第三是给自己足够的时间。

    许多东西是从量变到质变的,当你的努力,你的付出足够多时,就会获得自己想要的。正如犹太人颠沛流离,却是世界上最富有的民族,原因之一是他们的孩子一出生就被告知:什么都不属于你,除了你头脑中的智慧和创造的技能。俞敏洪两次高考失败,第三次高考,他走进了北京大学;出国三次失败,他创办了新东方,帮助别人实现出国的梦想。俞敏洪的生活经历并不复杂,农村18年艰苦的生活,磨练了吃苦耐劳的精神;北京大学11年学习、教书的历程,是一个从极度自卑中寻找自尊的过程;创办新东方的12年,是一个艰苦奋斗的立业过程。因此说不要害怕失败,即使是被踩到泥土中,我们也不能甘心变成泥土,而要成为破土而出的鲜花。世界上少有天才,如果你能做一个“地才”,你就已经成功了,所谓“地才”,就是脚踏实地,把一件事做到顶尖的人。当你脚踏实地,把学习这件事做到极致的时候,高考在你眼中就不那么重要了。

    今天给大家讲过了水的精神和蜗牛精神,在最后我想告诉大家是:人的生活方式有两种,第一种是像草一样活着,你尽管活着,每年还在生长,但是你毕竟是一棵草,你吸收雨露阳光,但是长不大。人们可以踩过你,但是人们不会因为你的痛苦,而让他产生痛苦;人们不会因为你被踩了,而来怜悯你,因为人们本身就没有看到你。所以我们每一个人都应该像树一样成长,即使我们现在什么都不是,但是只要你有树的种子,即使你被踩到泥土中间,你依然能够吸收泥土的养分,自己成长起来。当你长成参天大树的时候,遥远的地方,人们就能看到你;走进你,你能给人一片绿色。活着是美丽的风景,死了依然是栋梁之材,活着死了都有用,我希望这就是我们每一个同学做人的标准和成长的标准!

高三冲刺励志演讲稿

02
    亲爱的老师们,同学们:

    上午好!

    今日我演讲的题目是:为梦想冲刺。

    是的,终于,憧憬已久的这一天到来了,为梦想冲刺的一天来了,拼搏的季节终于到了。是该我们亮剑的时候了。

    当我们今日再次聚在这里时,每位同学都又有了一个新的名字:高三的战士。高一是基础,高二是关键,高三是决战,这是各位最熟知的一句话。

    经过了高一的锻造,高二的历练,如今我们终于站在了决战的起点,决战意味着什么?决战意味着炮与火的考验,血与泪的洗礼,进与退的选择,成与败、生与死的决断。那么,高三的勇士们,你们准备好了吗?

    准备好了吗?我们时刻准备着。自从来到 中学的那一天起,我们每个人就肩负起了一种使命,一种追求卓越的使命,一种战必胜、攻必克的使命,一种不达目的决不罢休的使命。使命在肩,责任如山,我们一直在奋斗者,前进着。终于,憧憬已久的这一天到来了,为梦想冲刺的一天来了,拼搏的季节终于到了。

    应该说高三一年是艰巨的。每一天我们都必须过的忙碌、紧张而充实,每一分、每一秒都是我们的阵地,都是我们赶超别人的机遇。

    这一年我们面临多次考试,而我们必须珍惜每一次,因为每次考试都是我们扬剑出鞘的绝佳时机;而同时我们要养成一种淡然的心境,大将风度;不为成功而满足,因为那是失败的前兆,不为眼下的失败而懊丧,因为每一次失败中都孕育着下一次成功的机会。

    有人说,高三是艰难的,我不这样认为,因为胸怀梦想、斗志高昂的人,最感到欣慰的就是奋斗的过程。

    高三会教给我们奋斗,每个人都有无尽的潜力,每一个人都有无穷的提升空间,不经过一年血战,也许我们永远发现不了自己身上蕴藏的能量。所以高三注定是精彩的一页,我们会留下最美丽的奔跑的身影,谱写生命中最灿烂的奋斗诗篇。

    可以说, 中学的学生属于胜利,我们的学哥学姐已用铁的事实给出了最好的证明。高考就是战场,如今身处高三的我们是冲锋在最前线的战士。我们的任务,不仅仅是将胜利保持下去,还是要将他举到前所未有的高度,不打折扣的超越前人。

    虽然时间缩短,任务繁重,但,这又怎样?这只能显示我们这支雄狮劲旅超凡的战斗力,只能让我们赢得更漂亮,虽然时间缩短,但毕竟我们还有6个月的时间,这6个月,我们必须万念归一,殊死搏斗,咬紧牙关,坚持到底。

    我们要坚信自己的实力,在6个月的时间里,有什么事情我们办不到?在接下来的时间里,有很多事情是未知的,但一件事除外,那就是坚持努力的人必能创造奇迹。

    之所以说它已知,因为这已是被千百遍证实的真理,但我想我们无需举过去的例子,那已是明日黄花。我相信,最震撼人心的奇迹将会在接下来的九个月出现,将由拼搏的你创造。

    最后,我还想再问各位一次:决战,你准备好了吗?我不要各位用语言回答,我们将用行动给出最漂亮的答案.

高三学生励志演讲稿

03
    坚定信念,超越自我

    尊敬的领导、老师,亲爱的同学们:

    大家好,今天我演讲的题目是《坚定信念,超越自我》。

    海伦·凯勒有这样一句非常形象而生动的话:“当一个人感觉到有高飞的冲动时,他将再也不会满足于在地上爬。”正是有了远大的理想,正是有一种信念,她接受了生命的挑战,创造了生命的奇迹。

    她,盲聋哑集于一身的弱女子竟然毕业于哈佛大学,并用生命的全部力量奔走呼告,建起了一家家慈善机构,为残疾人造福,被评选为20世纪美国十大英雄偶像。理想和信念像熊熊燃烧的烈火使她才走出黑暗,走出死寂,理想和信念像巨大的羽翼,帮助她飞上云天。

    从某种意义上说,人不是活在物质世界里,而是活在精神世界里,活在理想与信念之中。对于人的生命而言,要存活,只要一碗饭,一杯水就可以了;但是要想活得精彩,就要有精神,就要有远大的理想和坚定的信念。

    理想信念使贫困的人变成富翁,使黑暗中的人看见光明,使绝境中的人看到希望,使梦想变成现实。

    下面我给大家讲一个故事:

    浩瀚的沙漠中,一支探险队在艰难地跋涉。头顶骄阳似火,烤得探险队员们口干舌燥,挥汗如雨。最糟糕的是,他们没有水了。水就是他们赖以生存的信念,信念破灭了,一个个像塌了架,丢了魂,不约而同地将目光投向队长。这可怎么办?

    队长从腰间取出一个水壶,两手举起来,用力晃了晃,惊喜地喊道:“哦,我这里还有一壶水!但穿越沙漠前,谁也不能喝。”

    沉甸甸的水壶从队员们的手中依次传递,原来那种濒临绝望的脸上又显露出坚定的神色,一定要走出沙漠的信念支撑他们踉跄着,一步一步地向前挪动。看着那水壶,他们抿抿干裂的嘴唇,陡然增添了力量。

    终于,他们死里逃生,走出茫茫无垠的沙漠,大家喜极而泣之时,久久凝视着那个给了他们信念支撑的水壶。

    队长小心翼翼地拧开水壶盖,缓缓流出的却是一缕缕沙子。他诚挚地说:“只要心里有坚定的信念,干枯的沙子有时也可以变成清冽的泉水。”

    黑人领袖马丁·路德金有句名言:“这个世界上,没有人能够使你倒下。如果你自己的信念还站立着的话。”是的,即使在最困难的时候,也不要熄灭心中信念的火把。

    同学们,不管你现在的成绩怎么样,不管你现在的基础怎么样,只要坚定信念,超越自我,你就有了努力的方向,你就有了奋斗的目标,你就有了生活的动力,你就有了成功的希望!

有关高三的励志演讲稿

04
    各位朋友们,下午好!

    看到你们正在为前途而奋战我感到很高兴;看着你们那充满期望,有点兴奋、有点紧张、有点忧郁无辜的脸,我感到无比地心痛。你们让我回想起当年我的情节。当时的我成绩似乎优异,渴望成功,我却害怕失败果然失败。

    你们怎么幸灾乐祸地笑了。好吧,那就狂笑吧,只要你们轻松地走向成功,我愿意牺牲我自己。

    闻听高考失败,我一下子崩溃了:想想可怜的父母,望见那得意忘形已成功的同学,再想想自己没有前途的前途。我决定自杀,可上帝似乎觉得这样太便宜我了。

    于是乘坐的汽车不翻身,横穿马路车也不撞我,死不掉也就活下来了。上帝发现此小子经受了应有的考验和心灵折磨,愿意加倍地给我幸福以补偿失意的我。

    各位你们看看我因挫折而深沉、富有魅力的脸,你们不觉得应该为我鼓鼓掌吗?这掌声也是献给你们的,因为你们听完了我的演讲会有激动,会对自己很有信心,不仅在高考中会发挥出色,更能在人生的舞台中挥洒自如。

    害怕失败一定会失败,这是我想告诉你们的第一点。

    各位,你们认识自己吗?你也许会回答我说:“我们老师说我还不错,家长对我不满意,经常批评我,还有同学对我评价也是一般等等诸如此类的话。”

    你们没有正确回答我的问题,我问的是你认识你自己吗?而不是别人认识你吗?记得瞎子摸象的吗?没有人完全了解你,只有你自己最了解你自己。

    那么你到底是个怎么样的人呢?

    你认为你是个很优秀的人那你就会成为一个很优秀的人。

    你就是你认为的人。美国科学家曾做试验:随机地把100个人分成好班与差班,三年后好班的学生成绩真的比差班好多了。他们本来是没有区别的啊。

    只是他们进入好班后在别人的信任下,他认为他就是个好学生于是就成为好学生了;而进入差班的学生进入差班后在别人的叹气声中认为自己是个差生于是就成为他认为的差生了。

    如果你有幸出生在一个会鼓励人的家中,碰到了许多会鼓励人的老师,你很幸运地成为好学生了,我为你高兴;假如你不幸出生在一个用负面方式教育你的家中,碰到一群喜欢用负面方式激励你的老师,我更为你自豪,因为上帝给了你更多的机会考验你,让你学会挑战自己,正确地认识自己。

    于是你现在的成绩好运只代表过去,不代表未来。只要你愿意重新认识你自己,那么你就会成为真正的你。

    成绩好的同学你可以继续你的自我认定,你很幸运;成绩目前一般的同学,你可以重新认识你自己,要知道现在的你才是真正的你;成绩表面上不行的同学,你们要为自己的过去纳喊,感谢过去的你帮你吃完了苦,现在你可以重新开始新的生活了,这就是佛教中所说的因果定律。

    优秀与否首先是一种自我选择。

    你们愿意选择优秀吧,为你们优秀的选择鼓掌。

    如果你们还不够肯定,我可以告诉你们红楼梦中有一句名言:真作假时真亦假;假作真时假亦真。只要不断地去肯定自己,想象会成为现实。大家知道母鸡孵小鸡需要21天的时间,科学家研究一个人习惯的养成同样也需要21天的时间。

    只要你们每天早上起来大声地念十篇:我是最优秀的。晚上睡觉前大声地喊十篇:我是独一无二的奇迹,连续21天,你就真的成为最优秀的人了,要知道那才是本来的你。

    你也可以把它写在你的本子上,每次写十篇,相信我肯定有效,这叫心理暗示,我就是这样获得伟大的信心的。看看我的坚定微笑的脸吧。

    你在想也许有人会笑你,别管它,因为只有你才会对你自己负全部的责任,你就把他们当成是对你的勉励好了。

    记住:没有人可以打倒你,除了你自己!

    有个故事是这样说的:佛教徒有个习惯,要辩道,辩赢者可以留下来吃饭、睡觉,如果辩不赢,得继续出行。有一次有个佛教徒来到了一处,那里的教堂是由两兄弟掌管。他于是找哥哥辩,哥哥对他说:“我很忙,你与我弟弟辩吧,他比较好辩一点。”

    弟弟只有一只眼睛。半小时后他出来了,对哥哥说:“你弟弟是最聪明的人,我辩不过他,我得走了。”哥哥吃了一惊,不太相信,于是问怎么回事。他说:“我对你弟弟伸出一个指头,代表我们的佛主释迦牟尼。没想到你弟弟伸出两个指头,告诉我说佛主与佛道。

    我觉得有道理,于是我伸出三个指头,代表还有佛徒。你弟弟就更聪明了,伸出一个拳头,告诉我说,佛主、佛道、门徒是一体的,缺一不可,太厉害了,我辩不过他,我走了。”

    过了一会,他弟弟出来了,怒容满面,对他哥哥说:“哥哥,我气死了,刚才那家伙太无礼了,一见我就伸出一个指头取笑我是独眼龙,我强忍着怒火,很克制地伸出两个指头,恭喜他有两只眼睛。没想到这家伙变本加厉,伸出三个指头,继续嘲笑我们两个人只有三只眼睛,我受不了了,伸出一个拳头准备揍他,他马上逃掉了。”

    别人明明在表扬他,由于他对自己没有正确的认识,反而认为别人在打击他,于是他就倒下了,倒在自己的垃圾思想中。

    你们有没有这样的经历啊。如果有,那就自我解嘲一下吧,发出会心的微笑,然后忘了这些可爱的往事。

    现在你们应该有点信心了吧,因为信心是自己给自己的。当然我们更希望别人欣赏我们,鼓励我们。

    你想别人怎么待你,你就先怎样待别人。

    你想得到别人的欣赏、鼓励,你就先欣赏、鼓励别人。

    你如果想得到老师的帮助,就主动地对老师说:“某某老师,我好喜欢听你的课,你讲得深入浅出,而且老师你特有亲和力。”老师听完后肯定激动地摸着你那有智慧的头,特别愿意帮你。

    如果你想让你父母鼓励你,你就对他们说:“爸妈,你们辛苦了,我一定努力学习,你们放心好了,只要你们对我有信心,鼓励我,我肯定会考得更好。”你父母听了鼻子都酸了,再也不愿意批评你了,因为你已经长大了,懂得体贴大人了。

    如果你想得到同学的帮助,那么请先帮助你同学,鼓励他们,告诉他们,他们很优秀,于是他们感动地对你说:“亲爱的某某,你是最优秀的。”听了这话后,你的潜能开发出来了,分数莫名其妙地高了十分。

    道姆斯教授曾说过:“年青人,永远不要担心未来,未来也不可捉摸,只要你活在现在,把握住现在的每一分每一秒,集中所有的注意力把正在做的事当成唯一重要的事去做,全力以赴,你会做得最好的,成功肯定会属于你。”

    高考越来越近,我们总是担心时间不够。记住,你没有必要这样,只要把握住现在的每一分每一秒,集中所有的注意力于一门功课中,用最大的热情。同时运用视觉、听觉、触觉,还有味觉、嗅觉感知到你正在复习的功课,那么你的效率将是原来的五倍以上。

    要念到自己能听到,要写得自己能触摸到,能感觉到知识的味道,能闻到知识的香味。

    何为集中所有的注意力?就是不为你的行为所左右,时时刻刻地思考回忆同一内容,直到理解记住为止。

    跑步时,骑车时,做早操时,睡觉时,吃饭时等等,你可以在大脑中放电影,一旦卡住了,立刻拿出书本看一眼再合上继续放电影,直到ok为止。这样你就会越来越喜欢读书了。

    你们父母总是要你们吃好,吃饱。各位,我要告诉你们:不要吃太多,不要吃太油。

    为什么呢?因为人体总的血液量是一定的。当你吃太多时,血液都流到胃里去了,于是大脑的血供量下降,你的思维能力就下了降,反应就会迟钝,所以吃得清淡些,油不易于消化,考前特别要注意。

    考完后你可以吃满汉全席啊。不过别绝食哦,否则你会饿晕的。凡事要符合自然规律,物极必反。

    各位,我最亲爱的朋友们,你们会成功的,我已经在你们的心底里刻进了幸福两个字,我要为你们每天祈祷,祝你们成功。在人生的任何一个阶段,我都会关心你们的,都会帮助你们的。

    请记住:除了成功,你们别无选择;除了给你们成功,我们什么也做不了。

    再见,在那美好的地方等着你们的到来!

高三英语励志演讲稿

05
    《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》

    Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .

    President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

    I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

    It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

    I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

    Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

    President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

    To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

    When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

    Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

    I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

    It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

    Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

    All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

    though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

    Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

    Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

    the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

    There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

    I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

    A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

    From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

    Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

    If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

    The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

    In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

    The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

    I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

    On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

    From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

    Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.

    Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.